Anthropological Finding in North Texas Term Paper

Anthropological Finding in North Texas - Term Paper Example All we have now is an immense collection of anthropological evidence of the lives that existed thousands of years ago in the form of human skeletons, mummies, broken bones and ancient campfires. Consequently, such kinds of material evidence are significantly important for anthropologists during the reconstruction of anthropological analysis of the particular area as well as in determination of the length of time they have been in existent. The arrival of the Spanish explorers into the greater Texas region during the 1500s however brought a new historical era characterized by written materials, drawings, pictures and other more accurate sources that are significant to historians and anthropologists. Generally, the previous forensic anthropological analysis of material evidence in the greater Texas region has revealed a mixture fascinating historical accounts as well as some painful recount of wars the Native Indians and the Europeans during the arrival of the European immigrants. For example after the arrival of the Spaniards in the area around Texas in the 16th century, a number of brutal cultural conflicts were witnessed between the Natives and the Spanish immigrants some of which resulted in near decimation of the Native populations in the region. Forensic anthropology seeks to identify and interpret the human skeletons as well as the accompanying artifacts using various anthropological techniques. This paper discusses the anthropological analysis and identification of three partial human skeletons as well as three artifacts that were found along with them in Spanish Fort, Montague County, Texas. The analysis of the three artifacts One of the artifacts that were found togeth er with human remains at the site was a long but thin Bird point arrowhead, which was approximately 2 inches long. We deduced that native Indians who used to inhabit the Northern Texas region probably used these kinds of artifacts to hunt wild animals. This is because some of the Bird point artifacts discovered at the site were found in the decayed carcasses of bison and deer. Bird point artifacts were not only used by the Native Indians for hunting but were also occasionally used as weapons during the frequent wars and conflicts. This was particularly before the invention of bows and arrows. The Native Indians probably placed the bird points to their spears to make them effective tools for both warfare and hunting. Another important artifact that was discovered was an Asphaultum hafting. This artifact was identified by the characteristic black color of its residues. It is speculated that during the prehistoric times, the Native inhabitants of Northern Texas to mould some form of pr ojectile weapons and hunting tools as well as to make a waterproof inner coat for their clay pots used Ashphaultum. Finally, the depression also contained an artifact known as Waco sinker. Although it is difficult to pinpoint the specific use of this prehistoric artifact, it is widely believed that the native Indians as bola stones or sinker weights used Waco sinkers during hunting. For example, the Waco sinkers may have been used by hurling them at the hunted animals and the two stones would then wrap around the animal and pull it to the ground. The close proximity of the artifacts with the discovered graves suggested that they may have been intentionally buried along with the bodies as votive offerings, grave goods or as hoards (Inca rebellion Video, 2007).The artifacts are therefore valuable hints at the culture of the dead individuals, their occupation as well their

CORPORATE FINANCIAL REPORTING (accounting knowledge require) Essay

CORPORATE FINANCIAL REPORTING (accounting knowledge require) - Essay Example (IFRSF 2011) These issues have to be resolved in the next Board Meeting for the Finance Department to be able to finalize the company's financial statements for the year 2010. The following is a brief discussion of the points that have to be considered: Classifications of Leases As an agreement that binds the lessor to grant the lessee the right to use an asset for an agreed length of time, a lease can be classified as either a finance lease or an operating lease. While a finance lease passes on to the lessee practically all the risks and rewards that go with ownership of the asset, an operating lease clearly declares that ownership of the asset is retained by the lessor. ... It should further be noted that lease classifications are set at the inception of the leases. (IASCF 2009) Preference for Operating Leases Operating lease is the classification that is often preferred by a company management. Many companies through the years have opted to record the lease agreements that covered their automobiles, aircrafts and all other types of equipments as operating leases. (Brigham & Ehrhardt 2009:734) This is because finance leases cause the company's liabilities to increase, thereby rendering its debt-related financial ratios like its debt-to-equity ratio unattractive to investors and other interested parties. The same is true to the resulting gearing ratios and returns on assets that are all computed based on the company's total assets, liabilities and equity. (Mills 2008) Consequences of Recording Leases as Operating Leases There are misleading consequences that arise from recording the company's lease transactions as operating leases. Operating leases are r ecognised only as expense accounts. They are reflected only in the company's income statement for the period and are not at all included in its balance sheet. Thus, the economic resources and the level of obligations of the company, as shown by its balance sheet, are all understated. Needless to say, the computed ratios would turn out to be inaccurate. (IASCF 2009) It is, then, clear that the balance sheets and income statements of a company that records its lease transactions as finance leases would be greatly different from the financial statements that would have been generated had the company booked the same lease transaction as operating leases. (Mills 2008) This negatively affects the transparency of the company's

Different topics Annotated Bibliography Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Different topics - Annotated Bibliography Example In fact, Anderson conducted this study at the University of Massachusetts, and submitted it to the American Behavioral Scientist. As such, it would not appear that he was influenced in any way to alter his findings one way or the other. Having explored this site extensively, all information appears current and there are no missing or broken links. All articles cited in the study are detailed and quickly available for further reference. In short, this particular article appears to be a well-documented source that would help a great deal in my own study. Milne, G. R. (2000). Privacy and ethical issues in database/interactive marketing and public policy: A research framework and overview of the special issue. Journal of Public Policy and Marketing, 19(1), 1-6. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/30000482?uid=3739136&uid=2&uid=4&sid=47699091448147 Milne (2000) recounts the fact that privacy is of increasing concern. This is a public policy issue that does affect consumer and marketers. These concerns have been compounded by the growth of online marketing. Such marketing schemes have resulted in the Federal trade Commission becoming involved and placing such activities under review. This author makes the point that exchange mechanisms between marketers and consumers should be improved. In so doing, consumers will have more control over who has access to their personal information and under what terms. Mitrofan, O., & Spencer N. (2009). Is aggression in children with behavioral and emotional difficulties associated with television viewing and video game playing? A systematic review. Child: Care, Health, & Development, 35(1), 5-15. Doi:10.1111/j.1365-2214.2008.00912.x. The authors of this study are professors in the School of Health and Social Studies at the University of Warwick in the United Kingdom. They have previously published studies areas focusing on child aggression and the causes thereof. This study is designed to

Decline of Mughal Empire Essay Example for Free

Decline of Mughal Empire Essay Various explanations are put forward for the revolts which brought about the collapse of the Mughal Empire. There has existed for a long time the thesis of â€Å"Hindu Reaction† as the main factor behind the revolts against Aurangzeb. Its proponents tent, however, to rely more on present sentiment than on contemporary evidence. Main concern is with what 17th and early 18th century texts have to say; and they, at any rate, put the greatest store by the economic and administrative causes of the upheaval and hardly ever refer to religious reaction or consciousness of nationality. The assignment system, as it was established and worked under the great Mughals, necessarily presupposed the prevalence of a certain type of economic order. The jagirs were divorced, as far as possible, from any permanent rights to the land, and were essentially assignments of revenue, assessed in terms of money. This suited best an economy where the cash nexus was well established; but that in turn meant that agrarian trade should have been both brisk and extensive. Both these conditions were present in Mughal India. At the same time, commercial activity could prosper best under an imperial system with its uniform methods of tax collection and administration and its control of the routes. In so far, therefore, as the assignment system strengthened imperial power it also reinforced the economic foundation of its own existence. Unlike the feudal lord of Western Europe, the Mughal jagirdar might not have needed to harbour any fear of money and trade undermining his power. The unity and cohesion of the Mughal ruling class found its practical expression in the absolute power of the emperor. The jagidari as an individual member of the government class had theoretically no right or privileges apart from those received from the emperor: he could not manage his jagir just as he pleased, and was required to conform to imperial regulation. The rate of the land revenue demand and the methods by which it was to be assessed and collected were all prescribed by the imperial administration. The emperor also decreed what other taxes were to be collected. The conduct of the jagirdar and his agents was supposed to be watched over and checked by officials such as qanungos and chaudhuris, and faujdars and news-writers. Imperial revenue policy was obviously shaped by 2 basic considerations. First, since military contingents were maintained by the mansabdars out of the revenues of their jagirs, the tendency was to set the revenue demand so high as to secure the greatest military strength for the empire. But, secondly, it was clear that if the revenue rate was raised so high as to leave the peasant not enough for his survival, the revenue collections could soon fall in absolute terms. The revenue demand as set by the imperial authorities was thus designed ideally to approximate to the surplus produce, leaving the peasant just the barest minimum needed for subsistence. It was this appropriation of the surplus produce that created the great wealth of the Mughal ruling class. The contrast was accordingly striking between â€Å"the rich in their great superfluity and the utter subjection and poverty of the common people†. There seems, moreover to have been a tendency, increasing in its effect with time, to press still harder upon the peasant. This tendency seemed to derive from the very nature of the jagir system. The imperial administration, which could observe the long-term interest of the empire and the ruling class, did, probably, strive to set a limit to the revenue demand. A great increase in revenue demand was approved in the course of 17th century is based on an oversimplified view of the evidence; and there are indications that the increase in cash rates did not outstrip the increase in the prices of the interest agricultural produce. But there was an element of contra ion between the interests of the imperial administration and the individual jagirdar. A jagirdar, whose assignment was liable to be transferred any moment and who never held the same jagir for more than 3 or 4 years at the most, could have no interest in following a far-sighted policy of agricultural development. His personal interests would sanction any act of oppression that conferred an immediate benefit upon him, even if it ruined the peasantry and so destroyed the revenue-paying capacity of that area for long time. Owing to the constant and unpredictable transfers of jagirs, Bhimsen tells us late in Aurangzeb’s reign, the agents of the jagirdars had given up the practice of helping the peasantry or making firm arrangements. Moreover, the ‘amils of the jagirdars were not sure of their own tenures of employment and so,† proceeding tyrannically†, were unrelenting in the collection of revenue. When the jagirdar, instead of appointing his agents to collect the revenue, farmed out the jagir, the evil was worse still. The land was being laid waste, says Sadiq khan, writing of Shahjahan’s reign, through bribery and revenue farming, as a result of which the peasantry was being robbed and plundered. These statements show that in 17th century the belief had become deep-rooted that the system of jagir transfers led inexorably to a reckless exploitation of the peasantry. It was a result which the imperial administration might check for some time but could not ultimately prevent. It was inevitable that the actual burden on the peasantry should become so heavy in some areas as to encroach upon their means of survival. Manuchy, who on this occasion assumes the viewpoint of the ruling class, declares that they have no money. The chastisements and instruments [of torture] are very severe. They are also made to endure hunger and thirst†¦. They feigns death (as sometimes really happens)†¦. but this trick secures them no compassion†¦. Frequently, therefore, the peasants were compelled to sell their women, children and cattle in order to meet the revenue demand. But the enslavement was not generally so voluntary. They are carried off, attached to heavy iron chains, to various market and fair, with their poor, unhappy wives behind them carrying their small children in their arms, all crying and lamenting their evil situation. Failure to pay the revenue was not the only cause for which such punishment was inflicted upon the peasants. It was the general law in Mughal Empire that if any robbery occurred within the assignment or jurisdiction, respective, of a jagirdar or a faujdar, he was obliged to either trace the culprits and recover the loot, or make the payment himself. In Gujarat, a Dutch traveler noted in 1629 that â€Å"the peasants are more oppressed than formerly and frequently abscond†, so that the revenues had fallen. What the condition were during the early years of Aurangzeb’s reign may be judged from Bernier’s long discourse on the ills of the Mughal Empire. He too declares that â€Å"a considerable portion of the good land remains untilled from the want of peasants†, many of whom â€Å"perish in consequence of the bad treatment they receive from the Governors†, or are left no choice but to â€Å"abandon the country†. Bernier sights example of peasants leaving â€Å"the country† to â€Å"seek a more tolerable mode of existence either in towns or in the camps; as bearers of burdens, carriers of water, or servants to horsemen†. The urban population was large, relatively speaking, and the countryside must have been the source of the innumerable â€Å"peons†, and unskilled labourers who filled the towns. The lot of the aimless migrant was not a happy one. A point could accordingly arrive where there was no choice left to the peasant but that between starvation or slavery and armed resistance. It may be unnecessary to say that by willingness the mass of the people were anything but warlike. It is recorded as a peculiarity of Malwa that both the peasants and artisans of the province used to carry arms. Pelsaert (c. 1626) observed that despite so much misery and want:†the people endure patiently, professing that they do not deserve anything better†. Nevertheless, there was a limit to endurance. The classic act of defiance on the part of the peasants was the refusal to pay land revenue. But a particular act of oppression committed against them might also goad them into rebellion. They are also frequently alleged to have taken to robbery; Villages and areas, which thus went into rebellion or refused to pay taxes, were known as mawas and zor-talab, as opposed to the revenue-paying village, called raiyati. Usually, the villages, which were protected in some measures by ravines or forests or hills, were more likely to defy the authorities than those in the open plains. Very often acts of defiance by the peasants were mere isolated incidents. The intensity of distress probably varied from village to village, according to the burden of the revenue demand imposed upon each. But distress to be translated into armed resistance required the presence of some other factors as well. Since weaponry was crucial to even the initial success of any act of defiance, the readiness of the upper strata of peasants, possessed of muskets or swords, might often determine whether such an act would take place at all. However, there were still two social forces remained working among the peasantry, which could help to ignite, and extent the scale of such peasant uprisings. The real transformation of peasant unrest was probably brought about by the intervention of elements from the zamindar class that had their own motives in opposing the Mughal ruling class. This came through two distinct processes: either the peasant rebellions, at some stages of their development, passed under the leadership of zamindars or, from the very beginning, the desperation of the peasants provided recruits for rebelling zamindars. The rising of the oppressed thus became inseparable from the conflict between two oppressing classes. Official texts frequently reflect an attitude of hostility towards the zamindars as a class. Abu –l Fazl declares that â€Å"the custom of most of the zamindars of Hindustan is that leaving the path of single-mindedness they look to every side and whoever appears more powerful and tumult-raising, they join him†. In southwestern Bengal in 1695-98 the mughal authority was seriously shaken by the rebellion of Sobhs Singh, â€Å"the zamindar of Chitwa and Barda†, who was joined by Rahim khan, â€Å"the chief of the tribe of the perdition-marked Afghans† of the area: the loyal zamindar of Burdwan was killed, and the area on both sides of the Hugli River ravaged. The struggle between the imperial administration and the zamindars, breaking out frequently into armed conflict, was thus an important feature of the political situation. Under A’zam khan, governor of Gujarat (1632-42), the peasants suffered great oppression, â€Å"most of them fled and took refuge with the zamindars in distant places†. A’zam khan thereupon led an expel the peasants who had fled to his territory, so that they might return to their old homes. In Malwa, in 1644, a similar campaign was organized against the â€Å"zamindar† of Ginnur, not only because â€Å"the peasants of some of the mahals of the jagir of the governor, who had fled to the territory of Ginnur , evaded paying the revenue as well, being backed in this by those infidels†. The peasants and thus frequently became associated in the struggle against Mughal authorities. The new feature that comes to the fore in the reign of Aurangzeb is, indeed, that the zamindars struggle against the Mughal is no longer merely defensive. As the number of starving, homeless peasants grew and the peasants took to arms themselves, it became possible for the zamindars to organize them into large bands, and even armies, and employ them in predatory warfare with the object of extending their own zamindars or areas of dominance. In 1623 it was reported to the court that of â€Å"ganwars and cultivators† on the eastern side of the Yamuna, near Mathura, â€Å"do not cease to commit highway robbery and, protected by dense jungle and fastnesses, live in rebellion, have no fear of anyone and do not pay the revenue to the jagirdars†. In 1645 the â€Å"rebels† near Mathura were apparently still out of control. Such had been the past history of the area which was to be the cradle of the Jat revolt in the time of Aurangzeb. In the accounts of the earlier revolts, the revolting peasants are not identified as Jats. The usual term for them is ganwar, or villager, and in one or two cases, at least, they were probably led by Rajput zamindars. Nevertheless Manchy, who treats of their revolts in some detail, knows the Jat rebels of Aurangzeb’s reign also as simply â€Å"peasants† and assumes them to be the partisans of the same cause as of those whom Akbar had oppressed. The Jat rebellion, properly speaking, dates from the time when Gokula Jat, the zamindar of Talpat near Mathura, â€Å"assembled a large army of Jats and other villagers and raised a rebellion†. He was killed in 1670; but the leadership passed to Raja Ram Jat (d. 1688) and then to Churaman Jat, who is said to have been the son of a zamindar of 11 villages. Over wide areas the peasants refused to pay revenue and took to arms. In1681 Multafat Khan, the faujdar of the district around Agra, was killed when leading an attack on village whose peasants had refused to pay the revenue. The leadership of the Jat rebellion lay in the hands of zamindars is established not only from the known antecedents of its chief men, but also from their conduct. Churaman, for example, is said to have â€Å"seized a number of Churamars [tanners], who are called the menials of Hindus and entrusted [the upkeep of] the ditch [at Bharatpur] to them†. The Jat revolt grew in time into a large plundering movement. This was, perhaps, inevitable under the narrow caste horizons of the peasants and the plundering instincts of their zamindar leaders. The areas devastated expanded from the one pargana of around Agra, sacked by Raja Ram, to its highest extent under Churaman, when â€Å"all the parganas under Agra and Delhi had been sacked and plundered and, from the tumult of that perdition-seeker, the routes and ways were blocked†. The Jat rebels had no connection with any particular religious movement. In the Satnami and Sikh rebellions, on the other hand, religion almost entirely replaced caste as the cementing bond among rebel ranks. The Satnamis were a sect of the Bairgis. The traditional date of the foundation of this sect by a native of Narnaul is 1657. The Satnami beliefs, as stated in the sect’s scripture, centred round an unalloyed monothesim. Ritual and superstition were alike condemned, and allegiance was explicitly rendered to Kabir. There was also a definite social aspect of the message. Caste distinctions within the community of believers were forbidden; so also one’s living on the charity of others. An attitude of sympathy with the poor and hostility towards uthority and wealth is apparent from such commandments as the following: â€Å"do not harass the poor†¦shun the company of an unjust king and a wealthy and dishonest man; do not accept a gift from these or from kings†. Such a religion could best appeal to the lower classes. In a possible to them made during the early years of Aurangzeb, a revenue official declared that though certain â€Å"cultivators† in a village in the pargana of Bhatnair were â€Å"l iving with their women, children, possessions and cattle in the garb of Bairagis†, they were â€Å"not free from the thoughts of sedition and robbery†. The revolt in fact began (1672) as a rural affray. Just as it has been said of Islam that it is a â€Å"religion for towns-people†, so it will, perhaps, not wrong to say that Sikhism is a peasant religion. The verses of Guru Nanak â€Å"are all in the language of the Jatts of the Punjab. And Jatt in the dialect of the Punjab means a villager, a rustic†. Guru Arjan (d. 1606) took the first step in creating a well-knit and disciplined organization. The Sikh became a military power under Guru Hargobind (1606-45), who created an army of his own, and, as a result, came into armed collision with Mughal power. He thus founded a tradition, which was doggedly continued by the last Guru, Gobind Singh (1676-1708), till; finally, in 1709-10 Banda was able to put into the field in sarkar Sirhind â€Å"an army of innumerable men, like ants and locusts, belonging to the low castes of Hindus and ready to die† at his orders. The Marathas undoubtedly constituted the greatest single force responsible for the downfall of the Mughal Empire. On the history of their uprising, and the factors that contributed to its genesis and success, so much has been written that it would seem presumptuous to add to the mass. One can, however, legitimately draw attention to the agrarian contexts in which this momentous event took place. Some peasants are not remiss in paying the authorized revenue, but are made desperate by the evil of this excruciating spoliation it came to be represented at the imperial court that the Marathas obtain collaboration from the peasants of the imperial dominions. It was, thereupon, ordered that the horses and weapons found in every village should be confiscated. When this happened in most villages, the peasants, providing themselves with horses and arms, joined the Marathas. Shivaji had used the peasants in a different sphere altogether. They were the â€Å"Naked Starved Rascals† who formed much of his army. Armed with â€Å"only lances and long sword two inches wide†, they were â€Å"good at Surprising and Ransacking†, but not â€Å"for a pitched Field†. They had to live by plunder only, for Shivaji’s reputed maxim was: â€Å"No Plunder, no pay†. This was the form of salvation which Shivaji and his successors held out to the destitute peasantry of the Dakhin. As Bhimsen’s account shows, the military operations of the Marathas did not offer any relief to the cultivating peasants. On the contrary, they suffered grievously from the ravages of both the Maratha armies and their opponents. In 1671 the castellan of Udgir reported that reported that owing to the operations of â€Å"the imperial forces and the villainous enemy† all the peasants had fled the pargana and for two years no revenue had been collected, the Mughal too would burn villages, devastate the crop and enslave men and women. As the range of the conflict grew, and the number of victims increased, a still larger number of the â€Å"naked starved rascals†, themselves plundered, had no alternative left but to join the Marathas and become plunderers themselves. And so the unending circle went on. â€Å"There is no province or district,† confesses Aurangzeb in his last years, where the infidels have not raised a tumult and since they are not chastised, they have established themselves everywhere. Most of the country has been rendered desolate and if any place is inhabited, the peasants there have probably come to terms with the ‘Robbers’ [Ashqiya, official Mughal name for the Marathas]†¦ If the peasant distress was at the root of these rebellions that shook the Mughal Empire to its foundations, the rebellions themselves represent a historical paradox in that the alleviation of such distress nowhere forms part of rebels’ proclaimed objectives or of their actual deeds and measures.

The blowflies

The blowflies Background The insects that have been most extensively studied in relation to their forensic uses are the blowflies, members of the Calliphoridae fly family in particular their larvae because they are the insects most commonly associated with corpses. Blowflies are usually the first to colonise a body after death, often within hours. The larval stage is the main period in which blowflies face limited food resources, when the fully grown third instar larvae stop feeding; they usually migrate in search of a place to pupate. Because blowfly pupae can provide useful forensic evidence it is important to know where the pupae are likely to be located. Methodology This study was carried out to investigate a variety of factors affecting the pupation behaviour of two forensically important species of blowfly larvae of Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata in soil. The burrowing behaviour of both species was studied in the laboratory under controlled conditions. Larvae of both Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata were used in six experiments for each condition. Principle findings The main findings were that most of the biological factors had an effect on the burial behaviour in Larvae of Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata. 1. Introduction Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata are two forensically important species of blowflies since they can arrive within few minutes (Payne 1965) or even few seconds (DeJong 1995) following corpse exposure. Because of this, the age of the oldest blowflies gives the most accurate evidence of the post mortem interval (PMI). Many other species of fly, beetle and wasp are also associated with corpses resulting in a succession of insects arriving at the body, but as they tend to arrive after the blowflies, they are less useful in establishing a PMI.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Blowfly infestations of human bodies are a natural outcome of the flies role in the environment as primary decomposers. The larval infestations are an essential component of the natural recycling of organic matter and, on human bodies; they can provide vital evidence to the timing and cause of death. Adult blowflies are well adapted to sensing and locating the sources of odours of decay, eggs are usually laid in dark and moist places such as the eyes, mouth and open sores. The eggs then quickly hatch into first instar larvae which feed rapidly, and shed their skin twice to pass through second and third instars until they finish feeding, or once the food resource has become unavailable.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After the fully grown third instar larvae stop feeding and show no further response towards food, depending on the species the larvae leave in search of a suitable place to pupate. They may move many meters before burrowing into the soil. The larva then contracts and the cuticle hardens and darkens to form the puparium, within which the pupa transforms into an adult fly. When the fly emerges, the empty puparial case is left behind as evidence of the blowflies development. However, there are many biological factors that affect the pupation behaviour of larvae in soil. These factors include temperature, soil moisture content, soil compaction, as well as the effect of pre burial and high density. All the mentioned factors need to be considered when determining a PMI, however for many of them, little information is available. Furthermore, there are several studies on the influence of temperature on the behaviour of burrowing in larvae of blowflies such as the one done by Gomes (2009). The study of larvae burying behaviour is important to improve understanding of one of the process during larval dispersion, and to try and understand the influence of biological variables on this behaviour   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The present study was conducted to investigate factors that influence the burial behaviour in post-feeding third instar blowfly larvae of Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata to evaluate if these two species have a different pupation pattern in the different treatments. 2. Materials and Methods C. vomitoria and L. sericata were collected; one thousand and sixty of each species in the final third instar stage were used for these experiments. The soil used was John Innes No 2 potting compost; all six experiments were carried out using the main materials mentioned. 2.1. Determination of normal burial depth and how this is affected by temperature Nine plastic containers were filled with soil to a depth of 24cm and were placed in an incubator so as to allow the soil to reach the temperatures required. Three of the containers had to reach 10 °C, the other three had to reach a temperature of 20 °C, and the remainder each at 28 °C. Fifteen larvae of Lucilia were then placed onto the soil surface of each of the containers; three at 10 °C, 20 °C and 28 °C. The same was done to the larvae of Calliphora, and the time of how long it took the larvae to burrow into the soil was observed, i.e., how long is it before the first and last larva burrows down. Similarly observations were made to see whether the larvae resurface and how if they do how soon. A total of eighteen containers were then covered with muslin cloth kept firmly in position by a rubber band and left for seven days. 2.2. Determination of the effect of moisture content Six plastic containers were filled with soil to a depth of 24cm, then 100ml of water was added to three of the containers and these were labelled as moist. 500ml of water was added to each of the remainder and these were labelled as wet. The containers were then left for 40 minutes in order for the water to be absorbed, after which fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added into each of the six containers, three wet and three moist. The same was done to the larvae of Calliphora, and then the time of how long it took for the larvae to burrow into the soil was counted and all twelve containers were placed into an incubator at 20 °C. 2.3. Determination of the effect of pre-burial 1 cm of soil was added to the bottom of a plastic container, and fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added and covered with 10cm layer of soil, and this was replicated twice. Also 10cm layer of soil was added to the bottom of another container, and fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added but this time they were covered with 20cm layer of soil and this was replicated twice. The exact same was done to the larvae of Calliphora. After the larvae were buried to a depth of 10cm or 20cm, observations were made to check how long it took for the first maggot to reach the surface, and the number of larvae on the surface was counted at 15, 30, 45 and 60 minutes. All 12 containers were then placed in an incubator at 20 °C. 2.4. Determination of the effect of soil compaction Soil was compacted into six containers to a depth of 24cm, and then fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added to each of the three containers. Also fifteen larvae of Calliphora were added to the other three containers, and observations were made to check how long it took for the larvae to burrow into the soil, i.e., how long was it before the first and last larva were burrowed. All six containers were incubated at 20 °C and then left for seven days. 2.5. Determination of the effect of larval density Three plastic containers were filled with highly dense soil to a depth of 24cm, and 150 larvae of Lucilia were added to each container. The same was done to the larvae of Calliphora, and observations were then made to see how long it took for the first and last larvae to burrow down. All six containers were covered with muslin cloth kept firmly in position by a rubber band and incubated at 20 °C. 2.6. Determination of the distance moved by the post-feeding stage of C. vomitoria and L. sericata from their feeding site 500 post-feeding larvae of the two species were released on a grassland area on the Byrom Street Campus, Liverpool John Moore University, UK. After 7 days soil core samples were taken from the surrounding soil and were searched in order to locate the pupae.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After the larvae pupated in all of the experiments, they were located and removed from the soil as follows: a line was drawn every 2cm on the side of all the containers up until a soil depth of 24cm using a permanent marker pen, after which the number of pupae found on the surface was counted and removed. Moreover, each 2cm layer of soil was then carefully removed using a spatula and placed onto a plastic sheet where it was thoroughly searched, and the number of all the pupae of all the containers of the five experiments was calculated. All five experiments were undertaken at a lab temperature of 20 °C. However, there are many biological factors that affect the pupation behaviour of larvae in soil. These factors include temperature, soil moisture content, soil compaction, as well as the effect of pre burial and high density. All the mentioned factors need to be considered when determining a PMI, however for many of them, little information is available. Furthermore, there are several studies on the influence of temperature on the behaviour of burrowing in larvae of blowflies such as the one done by Gomes (2009). The study of larvae burying behaviour is important to improve understanding of one of the process during larval dispersion, and to try and understand the influence of biological variables on this behaviour   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The present study was conducted to investigate factors that influence the burial behaviour in post-feeding third instar blowfly larvae of Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata to evaluate if these two species have a different pupation pattern in the different treatments. 2. Materials and Methods C. vomitoria and L. sericata were collected; one thousand and sixty of each species in the final third instar stage were used for these experiments. The soil used was John Innes No 2 potting compost; all six experiments were carried out using the main materials mentioned. 2.1. Determination of normal burial depth and how this is affected by temperature Nine plastic containers were filled with soil to a depth of 24cm and were placed in an incubator so as to allow the soil to reach the temperatures required. Three of the containers had to reach 10 °C, the other three had to reach a temperature of 20 °C, and the remainder each at 28 °C. Fifteen larvae of Lucilia were then placed onto the soil surface of each of the containers; three at 10 °C, 20 °C and 28 °C. The same was done to the larvae of Calliphora, and the time of how long it took the larvae to burrow into the soil was observed, i.e., how long is it before the first and last larva burrows down. Similarly observations were made to see whether the larvae resurface and how if they do how soon. A total of eighteen containers were then covered with muslin cloth kept firmly in position by a rubber band and left for seven days. 2.2. Determination of the effect of moisture content Six plastic containers were filled with soil to a depth of 24cm, then 100ml of water was added to three of the containers and these were labelled as moist. 500ml of water was added to each of the remainder and these were labelled as wet. The containers were then left for 40 minutes in order for the water to be absorbed, after which fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added into each of the six containers, three wet and three moist. The same was done to the larvae of Calliphora, and then the time of how long it took for the larvae to burrow into the soil was counted and all twelve containers were placed into an incubator at 20 °C. 2.3. Determination of the effect of pre-burial 1 cm of soil was added to the bottom of a plastic container, and fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added and covered with 10cm layer of soil, and this was replicated twice. Also 10cm layer of soil was added to the bottom of another container, and fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added but this time they were covered with 20cm layer of soil and this was replicated twice. The exact same was done to the larvae of Calliphora. After the larvae were buried to a depth of 10cm or 20cm, observations were made to check how long it took for the first maggot to reach the surface, and the number of larvae on the surface was counted at 15, 30, 45 and 60 minutes. All 12 containers were then placed in an incubator at 20 °C. 2.4. Determination of the effect of soil compaction Soil was compacted into six containers to a depth of 24cm, and then fifteen larvae of Lucilia were added to each of the three containers. Also fifteen larvae of Calliphora were added to the other three containers, and observations were made to check how long it took for the larvae to burrow into the soil, i.e., how long was it before the first and last larva were burrowed. All six containers were incubated at 20 °C and then left for seven days. 2.5. Determination of the effect of larval density Three plastic containers were filled with highly dense soil to a depth of 24cm, and 150 larvae of Lucilia were added to each container. The same was done to the larvae of Calliphora, and observations were then made to see how long it took for the first and last larvae to burrow down. All six containers were covered with muslin cloth kept firmly in position by a rubber band and incubated at 20 °C. 2.6. Determination of the distance moved by the post-feeding stage of C. vomitoria and L. sericata from their feeding site 500 post-feeding larvae of the two species were released on a grassland area on the Byrom Street Campus, Liverpool John Moore University, UK. After 7 days soil core samples were taken from the surrounding soil and were searched in order to locate the pupae.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  After the larvae pupated in all of the experiments, they were located and removed from the soil as follows: a line was drawn every 2cm on the side of all the containers up until a soil depth of 24cm using a permanent marker pen, after which the number of pupae found on the surface was counted and removed. Moreover, each 2cm layer of soil was then carefully removed using a spatula and placed onto a plastic sheet where it was thoroughly searched, and the number of all the pupae of all the containers of the five experiments was calculated. All five experiments were undertaken at a lab temperature of 20 °C. 3. Statistical Analysis The results were expressed as the mean and standard deviation (S.D). The Chi-Square test was performed to determine whether the observed frequency distribution differs significantly from the expected one. 4. Results discussion 4.1. Determination of normal burial depth and how this is affected by temperature The larvae of Calliphora vomitoria burrowed themselves deeper at a temperature of 10 °C to pupate, whereas the larvae of Lucilia sericata remained closer to the surface at the lower and higher temperatures used in this experiment. L.sericata shows normal distribution at 10 °C, however it stops burrowing at a depth of 14cm. In contrast, C.vomitoria continues to burrow to a depth of 24 but is not evenly distributed. The Chi square test was done for this experiment in order to see if there was a significant difference between the specific temperatures used as the graph didnt show clear differences. The results from the test showed that the distribution of C.vomitoria and L. sericata at a temp of 10 °C was significant ?2 (df 2) = 18.30 p>5.99, ?2 (df 2)= 17.85 p>5.99, also at a temperature of 20 °C for C.vomitoria it was found to be significant ?2 (df 2) = 6.49 p>5.99, and for L. Sericata ?2 (df 2) = 18.30 p>5.99 significant distribution. 4.2. Determination of the effect of moisture content The two species of larvae burrowed themselves up until a depth of 10cm; remained close to the surface to pupate in wet and moist soil conditions. However, the number of pupae of C.vomitoria was high in wet soil. In contrast, the number of pupae of L.sericata was high in moist soil. 4.3. Determination of the effect of pre-burial 4.4. Determination of the effect of soil compaction It is clear from the results that biological factors studied have a significant effect on the burying behaviour of the two species of larvae studied in this experiment. The rate of development of all insects is directly dependent on the ambient conditions, mainly temperature. Between upper and lower thresholds, which vary between species, the higher the temperature, the faster the insects will develop; the lower the temperature, the slower they will develop. If the ambient temperatures during the period of development are known, then the minimum PMI can be determined. Temperature affected the burrowing behaviour of larvae prior to pupation (Fig.1). At low temperatures, the metabolic rate may be markedly reduced and this could result in greater body weight and a tendency to burrow deeper in order to escape low temperatures (Grassberger and Reiter 2002) 5. Acknowledgement I would like to thank Dr Alan Gun for supporting the research reported by providing the data and equipment. I would also like to thank Dr Jeri Bird for his assistance in the data analysis. Thanks also to my lab partners and colleagues for their help and support. 6. References Clark, K., Evans, L. Wall, R. (2006) Growth rates of the blowfly Lucilia sericata on different body tissues. Forensic Science International 156, 145-149 DeJong GD. An Annotated Checklist of the Calliphoridae (Diptera) Of Colorado, With Notes on Carrion Associations and ForensicImportance. Journal of Kansas Entomological Society, 1995; 67(4): 378-385. Gomes,L., Gomes, G., Von Zuben, C.L. (2007) the influence of temperature on the behaviour of burrowing larvae of blowflies,Chrysomya albiceps and Lucilia cuprina, under controlled conditions. Journal of insect science.9, 1536-2442 Gomes, L., Sanches, M.R. Von Zuben, C.J. (2004) Dispersal and Burial Behaviour in Larvae of Chrysomya megacephala and Chrysomya albiceps (Diptera: Calliphoridae). Journal of insect behaviour 18, 282-292 Grassberger, M. Reiter, C. (2002) Effect of temperature of development of the forensically important holarctic blow fly Protophormia terraenovae (Robineau-Desvoidy) (Diptera: Calliphordae). Forensic Science international 128, 177-182 Gunn, A. (2009) Essential Forensic Biology. 2nd edition, Wiley 214-251 Payne JA. A Summer Carrion Study of the Baby Pig Sus scrofa Linnaeus.Ecology, 1965; 46 (5): 592-602. Singh, D., Bala, M. (2009) the effect of starvation on the larval behaviour of two forensically important species of blow flies (Diptera: Calliphoridae). Forensic Science international 193, 118-121 Tullis K and Goff ML. Arthropod Succession in Exposed Carrion in tropical Rainforest on Ohau Island, Hawaii. Journal ofMedical Entomology, 1987; 24: 332-339. Wooldridge, J., Scrase, L., Wall, L. (2007) Flight activity of the blowflies, Calliphora vomitoria and Lucilia sericata, in the dark. Forensic Science International 172, 94-97 Cleveland Museum of Natural History, Blow fly life cycle. Available: http://www.nlm.nih.gov/visibleproofs//education/entomology/blow_fly_life_cycle.pdf Accessed 09/01/2010

Affirmative Action is Necessary Essay -- Argumentative Persuasive Topi

Affirmative Action is Necessary      Ã‚   Affirmative action is the perfect fuel for a heated debate. Ever since formal plans for affirmative action were proposed by President Lyndon B. Johnson and instigated in 1964, this fiery topic has been battled back and forth at presidential campaigns, discussed in depth in classrooms, and been thoroughly explored at the dinner table. Put simply, affirmative action affects everyone's lives. This has become particularly evident during this past year in the state of Texas, and more specifically in the city of Austin, due to the recent ruling in an affirmative action lawsuit. The ramifications of the decision of this case have effectively destroyed all affirmative action plans created by universities in Texas, Louisiana, and Mississippi. Thus these states are on the brink of re-creating a segregated society, in which minorities are forced to linger outside of the world of higher education and risk becoming social monsters.    In 1992, four white applicants, Cheryl Hopwood, Douglas Carvell, Ken Elliott, and David Rogers, were denied admission into the law school at UT Austin. In September of that same year, all four filed a discrimination lawsuit against the law school. When the case was presented before U.S. District Judge Sam Sparks in August of 1994, Sparks denied them their 14th Amendment right to equal protection, because they could not prove reverse discrimination and thus could not prove they would have been admitted to the law school under a system in which all applicants were judged equally (Phillips 3). In turn, the prosecutors took their case to the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. Judge Jerry Smith reversed Judge Sparks decision, ruling the law school's affirmative-action... ... is that, like the monster in the novel, many of these minorities may very well likely resort to violence in order to release the feelings of injustice that they rightly feel.    This is an alarming situation that promptly needs to be corrected. Our schools and society cannot be allowed to follow in Victor's Frankenstein's footsteps. Minorities are full-fledged members of our society and must be treated as such. Society cannot merely abandon an entire portion of itself, nor plans that are designed to protect this portion. If society is to prevent a whole new generation of 'monsters' from being created, it must take responsibility for its members and educate them.    Works Cited King, Michael. "With All Deliberate Speed?" The Texas Observer. May 3, 1996. Phillips, Jim. "Court Lets Hopwood Ruling Stand". Austin American Statesman. July 2, 1996.   

Argument Supporting Gay Marriage Essay -- Homosexual Gay Lesbian Right

Lindsey and Beth, a lesbian couple, have been living together for eleven years. Lindsey conceived two children from a sperm donor. Together, Lindsey and Beth turned their house into a loving home for their two children. One day, on the way home from the grocery store, Lindsey was killed in a tragic car accident. Before Beth could even grasp the situation, the children that she helped raise from birth had been taken away and placed into the care of Lindsey's parents, who never were a part of their lives because they did not accept Lindsey's homosexuality. In addition, the house that Beth and Lindsey lived in for eleven years was taken away from Beth. How did this happen to Beth? Well, if Lindsey and Beth could have been legally married like all heterosexual couples, Beth would have had custody of the children and would have kept the house. They would have received 1,049 protections, benefits and responsibilities that are extended to married couples under federal law (HRC). Lindsey and Beth are one example of same sex couples that live in 99.3 percent of all counties in the United States (HRC). It is estimated that 10 percent or 25 million people in the United States are homosexuals, and by law they do not have the rights that married heterosexuals enjoy. American voters have the power to change the law and prevent the sad story that Beth had to live, by voting "yes" on referendums in support of gay marriage, and "no" on bans of gay marriage. The opening scenario of Lindsey and Beth is a dilemma that is becoming more of a real situation each day. The fact is that people are forming unions regardless of the law. In all fairness, the people involved in these relationships should have the same legal rights as all other American... ...discriminating against gay marriage. But by voting "yes" on referendums in support of gay marriage, and "no" on bans of gay marriage, our society can become one step closer to creating a more fair and just society that supports diversity and accepts people with a different life-style. Works Cited Human Rights Campaign (HRC). 26 Nov 2006. . Moats, David. Civil Wars a Battle for Gay Marriage. New York: Harcourt, Inc., 2004. Rauch, Jonathan. Gay Marriage. New York: Henry Holt and Company, LLC, 2004. Robertson, Donald L. Dr. "Homosexuality and Genetics." 26 Nov 2006. . "U.S. Census Figures Continue To Show National Trend." Human Rights Campaign. 27 June 2006. 26 Nov 2006. eleases/20011/U_S_Census_Figures_Continue_To_Show_National_Trend.htm>.